Philip Murray (May 25, 1886 - November 9, 1952) was a steelworker and an American labor leader. One of the most important American labor leaders of the 20th century, he was the first president of the Steel Workers Organizing Committee (SWOC), the first president of the United Steelworkers of America (USWA), and the longest-serving president of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO).

Early life
Murray was working in a coal mine in 1904 when he became involved in the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA). Feeling that a manager had purposefully altered and lowered the weight of the coal he had mined, Murray punched the man and was fired. The other coal miners went on strike to demand his reinstatement. In response, the company threw Murray's family out of their company-owned home. Murray was shocked and angered by the company's actions. Convinced that unions were the only means workers had of protecting their interests, Murray became an avid and lifelong unionist.
In 1905, Murray was elected president of the UMWA local in Horning, Pennsylvania. Determined to become the best local president he could, he enrolled in an 18-month correspondence course in math and science. Although he had little formal education, he completed the course in just six months.
Murray married Elizabeth Lavery (the daughter of a miner killed in a mine accident) on September 7, 1910. They adopted a son.
In 1911, Murray became a naturalized citizen of the United States.
Murray, who favored cooperation with management rather than militancy, came to the attention of UMWA President John P. White. After White won the UMWA presidency in 1912, he appointed Murray to a vacant seat on the UMWA executive board. White then backed Murray in 1916 when Murray ran for president of UMWA District 5.
Despite his relative conservatism, however, Murray became a close associate of John L. Lewis. He supported Lewis's bid to become an UMWA vice president in 1917, and UMWA president in 1920. In return, Lewis appointed Murray to the position of vice president. Murray became a strong supporter of and assistant to Lewis. Lewis handled relations with employers and politicians, and Murray handled relationships with UMWA members.
Murray strongly supported America's entry into World War I, and worked closely with government officials and employers to ensure that labor cooperated in the war effort. President Woodrow Wilson appointed him to the Pennsylvania regional panel of the National War Labor Board and the National Bituminous Coal Production Committee.
In the 1930s, Murray continued to serve on government committees. When General Hugh S. Johnson formed the Labor and Industrial Advisory Board in 1933 to implement Section 7(a) of the National Industrial Recovery Act, Murray agreed to serve on the new body. He played a key role in writing the "Bituminous Coal Conservation Act of 1935" (also known as the Guffey-Snyder Act; P.L. 402, 74th Cong., 1st sess.), later struck down by the United States Supreme Court in Carter v. Carter Coal Co., 298 U.S. 238 (1936).

Career in the United Mine Workers

Main article: Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers SWOC
When Lewis retired as CIO president in 1940, Murray was elected president as his successor. The CIO absorbed a large amount of UMWA's dues at a time when the ongoing Great Depression and employer resistance had stalled the influx of new members. Lewis soon broke with President Franklin D. Roosevelt over the need for war with Germany and Japan, and with his CIO colleagues over the need for government protection (as embodied by the National Labor Relations Act). Lewis endorsed Wendell Wilkie for president just 11 days before the 1940 presidential election, and threatened to resign as CIO president if union members did not follow him. They did not. Despite a Lewis draft at the CIO convention two weeks after the November election, Sidney Hillman and other CIO leaders pushed for a Murray candidacy. Although Murray had supported Roosevelt in the election, Lewis placed Murray's name into nomination himself. Philip Murray was elected president of the CIO on November 22, 1940.

CIO
Little Steel capitulated to SWOC in the spring of 1941. Walk-outs involving tens of thousands of workers and adverse court rulings led to elections at Bethlehem Steel, Youngstown Sheet and Tube, and Inland Steel in which huge majorities voted for the union. Republic Steel quietly signed contracts soon thereafter. SWOC soon had more members than the United Mine Workers, further alienating Murray and Lewis.
The victories at Little Steel led Murray to transform SWOC into a real union. SWOC was disbanded at a convention held in Cleveland, Ohio, on May 22, 1942. A new organization, the United Steel Workers of America (USWA), was founded. Murray was USWA's first president. David McDonald, Murray's long-time aide at SWOC, became the number two man at SWOC, often running the union's day-to-day business. Together, they ran the union in as dictatorial fashion as possible. All dues flowed to the national office in Pittsburgh, and the right to negotiate contracts and conduct job actions was strictly controlled. But such actions were justified, Murray argued, in light of the vigorous resistance to the union displayed by steelmakers.

Reform of the CIO
Murray strongly supported the Roosevelt administration and the war effort during World War II. He quickly adopted a "no strike pledge" on behalf of all CIO unions, and supported (with Walter Reuther) the establishment of industry union councils to promote increased production, quicker retooling and to overcome design problems.
To help overcome racial tensions in war plants, Murray established the CIO Committee to Abolish Racial Discrimination (CARD). CARD quickly undertook a discrimination-awareness education program which proved somewhat effective (at least outside the South). In 1943, Murray advocated making the Fair Employment Practice Commission a permanent government agency.
Murray also served on the National Defense Mediation Board and a number of other government agencies to help promote the war effort.

The CIO in World War II
Murray lead the Steelworkers out on strike in 1946. But employers said they were unable to meet the union's wage demands under existing federal wage and price controls. President Harry S Truman established a fact-finding board to craft a settlement, eventually approving the price increases sought by business in order to finance the wage increases. The strike, which began in mid-January, was over within a month.
Murray had another fight on his hands in 1947 when the Congress enacted the Taft-Hartley Act over Truman's veto. Murray had established a permanent political action committee (PAC) within the CIO in 1942. But the CIO's political efforts were only marginally effective. Republicans successfully passed the Taft-Hartley act despite Murray's and the CIO's vigorous opposition.
After passage of the act, Murray and the CIO were indicted for violating Sec. 304 of the Act, which forbade the expenditure of union funds in federal political campaigns. The CIO had endorsed a candidate for Congress in Maryland, and the United States Department of Justice prosecuted Murray and the CIO for advertising the fact on the front page of "The CIO News." But in United States v. Congress of Industrial Organizations, 335 U.S. 106 (1948), the Supreme Court overturned the indictment—finding that the publicizing of endorsements was not an "expenditure" under the Act.
Murray also refused to sign the required anti-communist affidavit on the grounds that it was demeaning. Nevertheless, Murray was no radical, and he aggressively purged the CIO of 11 left-leaning unions in 1949 and 1950.
Murray led the USWA through a second successful strike in 1949. This time the issue was whether employers should bear the entire cost of workers' health benefits and pensions. Once more, the union and the employers sought the assistance of a federal fact-finding board. But the board's recommendations did not prevent a strike from beginning on October 1, 1949. The strike lasted 31 days. Murray won a doubling of the pension benefit, with the employer continuing to pick up the entire cost. The USWA, meanwhile, agreed to pick up only half the cost of a new health and insurance benefit.

Post-war strikes and Taft-Hartley
In 1952, Murray led the USWA in its most famous strike. National wage controls had been reimposed to keep inflation in check during the Korean War. In November 1951, USWA negotiators asked U.S. Steel for a large 30-cent wage increase, improvement in fringe benefits, and a closed shop. The company responded that it could not agree without prior government approval of commensurate price increases.
President Truman referred the dispute to the federal Wage Stabilization Board (WSB). Murray agreed to delay a planned January 1, 1952, walkout until the Board had made its recommendation. In March, the WSB recommended a 16.5 cent wage increase. But U.S. Steel and other steelmakers lobbied Congress, the Pentagon and the defense industry heavily, opposing any wage hike. Congress threatened to overturn any Board agreement. But Truman refused to invoke the Taft-Hartley's cooling-off provisions or seek an injunction against the Steelworkers.
Instead, on March 8, 1952, President Truman nationalized the American steel industry.
The steelmakers sought an injunction preventing the seizure. After a preliminary hearing went in the government's favor, a federal district court judge enjoined the President from seizing the steel mills. The full Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, sitting en banc, granted a stay of the injunction pending a decision by the Supreme Court to hear the case. A meeting between USWA and the steelmakers at the White House on May 3 nearly ended in agreement on a tentative contract, but the Supreme Court accepted the case and the steelmakers backed out of the pact. On June 2, 1952, Justice Hugo Black, writing for a 6-3 majority in Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579 (1952), ruled that the president lacked the authority to seize the steel mills.
The government returned the mills to their owners hours later, and the Steelworkers struck. The strike lasted 51 days. But the CIO, lacking a strike fund, was unable to help the Steelworkers. John L. Lewis triumphantly offered the union a $10 million line of credit, which humiliated Murray. Steel supplies finally began to dwindle, and Murray feared the public opinion might turn against the union for impeding the war effort. Truman began preparations to draft the steelworkers into the military under the provisions of Section 18 of the Selective Service Act of 1948, furthering weakening Murray's resolve to see the strike through.
An agreement was reached on July 24, 1952. The Steelworkers achieved only a limited version of the closed shop. Wages and benefits rose, although not as much as the WSB had recommended. But Murray and others considered the strike a terrific win. They had avoided the crippling imposition of a Taft-Hartley injunction and the fines which would accompany it, and Truman had gone to significant lengths to support the union.

Death
Philip Murray was a civic-minded individual who participated on a wide number of nonprofit organizations. From 1918 until his death, he was a member of the Pittsburgh Board of Education. He was a long-time member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, and served on its executive committee. He also was a member of the board of directors of the American Red Cross.
Philip Murray wrote one book in his lifetime. Organized Labor and Production was published in 1940.